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What is the most common ethnic group/ancestry in australia & new zealand – what is the most common e
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Even more importantly, tagata Pasifika (‘Pacific peoples’) constitute the country’s fourth-largest ethnic group, accounting for 8% of the. Today, the population of New Zealand(opens in new window) is made up of people from a range of backgrounds; 70% are of European descent, % are indigenous. The ethnic or “racial” classification of Maori and non-Maori is a pivotal feature of New Zealand’s health system and affects government.
 
 

 

– Migration, Australia, financial year | Australian Bureau of Statistics

 

Accepting those caveats, what is striking about the census figures is less the strong growth in the number of those claiming Pacific ancestry in Australia than the relatively small number of those claiming Melanesian ancestry relative to those claiming Polynesian ancestry. It is striking indeed that fewer than 19, people in Australia claim ancestry from our nearest neighbour, Papua New Guinea, or that fewer than people claim ancestry from Vanuatu.

This is all the more remarkable given UN population estimates for Melanesia of around 10 million compared to less than , for Polynesia. The Australian Government is investing in better people-to-people links between Australia and the Pacific. Note: Categories used in this table are those used by the ABS in the census. Great post! One thing is for sure, China is going in strong and looking for all kinds of opportunities to fund and aid projects in all industries in the island nations, and there are now many Chinese families that are moving into the islands and starting businesses or taking over businesses.

I guess it is kind of similar to what is happening in Australia. What will be the ultimate price that the Pacific island countries would pay for all the money, investments and assistance they are receiving from China?? While Australia and New Zealand continue their great assistance to the Pacific island regions, the majority of the migration routes are via NZ for many of the Pacific islanders wanting to settle in Australia.

It is very rare for families from Samoa or Tonga to migrate directly to Australia. There are very few opportunities for families from Polynesian countries to migrate to Australia. I think this should be the first step, to look at how Australian migration policies can allow for migration directly from the islands. Perhaps a quota system similar to the one used by the NZ government.

This will strengthen the link primarily as families migrate to Australia and help out their families back in the islands. The relative powerlessness of that position in relation to dominant classes contributes to the complex way in which ethnicity is implicated in low health status.

That powerlessness is the experience of some Maori in New Zealand society. The orthodox approach is that ethnic classification in public institutions like health will improve Maori health and the place of Maori in society. Although the raw statistics state that the numbers of young Maori are increasing at a rapid rate, this may or may not be the case. There is a range of possible ethnic identifications available, such identification itself being a changeable social behavior rather than a fixed ethnic category.

For example, according to the latest census in , just over half It is quite possible that many New Zealanders identified with several ethnic groups, including Maori, prior to , but the prioritization principle used by the Department of Statistics until that year meant that those who included Maori as one of their ethnic identities were automatically assigned to the Maori category. This would increase the numbers of Maori but the actual situation is more complex.

Many New Zealand families have Maori and non-Maori members including growing numbers of people from non-European countries and Pacific Island nations.

A wide range of lifestyle and socioeconomic class differences contribute to how people identify ethnically. The Maori middle class is growing.

According to the census data the percentage of Maori professionals has increased from There is a decrease in the numbers of Maori in laboring jobs, down from The statistics confirm the pattern of Maori middle class growth identified by Coleman, Dixon, and Mare as occurring from the early s. Those in higher socioeconomic categories are more likely to identify as Maori and other, rather than Maori-only Callister, , — In this section, we examine two examples of separate Maori health provision justified by the construction of an essentialist ethnic category, a strategy that we located in Treaty partnership politics.

The first example is the Maori mental health, Te Whare Tapa Wha literally, the four cornerstones of Maori health developed by Mason Durie during the s Durie, , —86 and implemented into the health system during the s Ministry of Health, The second example is a Treaty research model in health designed to show researchers a practical means to acknowledge the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Wyeth et al.

Both examples demonstrate how ethnic categorization is justified in terms of the perceived essentialist character of Maori identity rather than in terms of the needs of subgroups whose social experiences—such as the ones described by Chapple cited above —are more likely to lead to health disorders. Since the s and s, the reported figures of mental health disorders prevalent among New Zealanders have been characterized by marked disparities between Maori and non-Maori ethnic groups; this is particularly so for schizophrenia and bipolar disorder Baxter, However, it is male Maori adults under the age of 40 who are most likely to be clients of mental health services Ministry of Health, , rather than the Maori category as a whole.

Although disparities for those affected negatively are always of concern, they are particularly poignant in the domain of public health because, at the extreme, they represent differential access to the benefits and rights of our society, reduced ability to contribute to future generations, and premature death Te Ropu Rangahau Hauora a Eru Pomare, , 1—6.

The official discourse of a distinctive Maori model of health exerts a significant influence on health professionals, educators, and researchers to accept a distinction between Maori and non-Maori people.

This is based on the belief that Maori have a different paradigm of health beliefs and practices from other groups Cunningham, , 62—69; Durie, , — The belief that cosmological or spiritual forces may cause illness and psychological distress is contrasted with the Western biomedical model Durie, , 5— Yet a comparative study conducted to investigate lay perceptions of Maori and non-Maori participants using major depressive disorder as a paradigm observed no evidence of different views between the two groups Marie, Forsyth, and Miles, , — These findings challenge the claim Durie, , 24—36 that Maori and non-Maori individuals have a different understanding and familiarity with mental illness Marie and Miles, , 34— In addition, a common belief within the New Zealand mental health community is that patients from a Maori cultural background develop more side effects to conventional antipsychotic medication in comparison with the general population, particularly with respect to movement disorders Mahmoud, Johnson, and Tawhai, , S Consequently, there is a stigma attached to the use of these neuroleptics in this population, which may negatively influence the attitudes and reactions of Maori patients to their recommended treatment.

This demonstrates at an individual level the effects of justifying separate health care according to perceived categorical differences, such as the difference between Western and indigenous worldviews.

The quotation from Mead above makes that clear. To complicate matters, the resurgence of tribal politics where tribal membership is based on biological antecedents reinforces the biological meaning.

This explanation of ongoing disadvantage experienced by the Maori category as a whole avoids the biological determinism—with its racial overtones—associated with tribal membership. Along with the conceptual confusion in the terms used for ethnic categorization, the quality of data used to support ethnic classification in public policy also contains problems. To further complicate the ethnic categorization process, a significant proportion of people born in New Zealand, including Maori, live abroad Bedford et al.

It does not support the political construction of such categories, even if such categorization is advocated on the basis of a political accommodation. Furthermore, differences in human skin color are fallacious indicators of biological differences among populations Parra, Kittles, and Shriver, , S54— These limitations include differences in terminology, data collection procedures, perceptions of group identity, and changing demographics of population subgroups.

In fact, continuous investigation over more than two decades in New Zealand has consistently revealed inconsistencies in the way ethnicity data are coded in hospital records Swan, Lillis, and Simmons, , U In addition, the validity of Maori mortality statistics has been challenged due to discrepancies in ethnic classification Graham et al.

In recent studies, Maori and non-Maori individuals continue to be classified according to official demographic categories Wheeler et al. Bias can arise when comparing health standards in Maori and non-Maori populations.

This led to the conclusion that much of the New Zealand research comparing Maori and non-Maori samples is flawed, and that most articles in that period did not meet minimum expected standards for reporting procedures for categorizing ethnicity Thomas, , 86— Even in a well-developed study using linked census and mortality cohort data sets, changes in definition of ethnicity have been recognized as a possible source of bias in the study Blakely et al.

It is plausible to infer that similar circumstances may occur in other countries with diverse population compositions. Significant evidence supports the claim that socioeconomic differentials are likely to be a fundamental explanation for the observed inequalities in health status between minority and predominant groups Nazroo, , — Indeed, the New Zealand Ministry of Health does recognize that the experience of socioeconomic disadvantage—associated with factors such as low household incomes, limited education, and living in neglected areas—contributes to differences in mental health prevalence between Maori and non-Maori individuals.

According to Nash , 23—36 , the placement of Maori within very broad socioeconomic categories is significant in understanding the disparities between Maori and non-Maori. Although his research was undertaken in education, the findings are relevant to health, given that the same disparities exist across the social sectors.

Like Marie, Fergusson, and Boden , —96 , Nash , 23—36 was unable to locate evidence of ethno-cultural factors contributing to Maori disadvantage in education. The national mental health survey also found that the prevalence of mental disorders was greatest among Maoris with lowest household income and levels of education Baxter et al.

Associations between social deprivation and adverse outcomes in health, such as long-term drug use among the poor and disenfranchised, are relevant to the understanding of the low status of Maori mental health. A study designed to compare the profile of individuals attending alcohol and other drug treatment services in New Zealand revealed that Maori patients consumed more cannabis, were younger, and were less likely to attend follow-up appointments Adamson et al.

The relative youth of the Maori population is a contributing factor to the size of the marginalized group. Young people are more likely to engage in behaviors that put their health at risk. According to their research, which criticizes the excessive emphasis on genetics as a foremost explanatory element for health disparities, racial or ethnic disparities are considered to derive primarily from differences in a myriad of factors, including culture, diet, socioeconomic status, education, access to health care, discrimination, and additional social determinants Durie, , 5—12; Marie, Forsyth, and Miles, , — Additional evidence substantiates the assertion that socioeconomic deprivation is the main factor in explaining different health outcomes in distinct ethnic groups Chandola, , —96; Bramley et al.

Significant evidence from international studies supports the claim that socioeconomic differentials are likely to be a fundamental explanation for the observed inequalities in health status among minority groups Nazroo, , — In understanding the reasons for the low health status of various subgroups of minority populations, it is necessary not only to focus on socioeconomic status but also to examine the influence of racism and discrimination.

Further, it is necessary to examine the complex relationship that exists between socioeconomic position and experiences of racism and discrimination. A number of studies have identified the association between self-reported experiences of racial discrimination and poor physical and mental health outcomes for a range of ethnic groups in various countries Karlsen and Nazroo, , —30; Williams, Neighbors, and Jackson, , —08; Karlsen and Nazroo, , — Beyond the numbers, what are Kiwi people really like?

The name ‘kiwi’ comes from the curious little flightless bird that is unique to New Zealand. Their feathers were used to make ‘kahu kiwi’, valuable cloaks worn by tribal chiefs.

In the early s, cartoonists started to use images of the kiwi bird to represent New Zealand as a country. During the First World War, New Zealand soldiers were referred to as ‘kiwis’, and the nickname stuck. Eventually, the term Kiwi was attributed to all New Zealanders, who proudly embraced the moniker. Just like the bird, New Zealanders are unique, adaptable and a little quirky.

Before establishing farms and settlements, they had to first clear the land – a painstaking and sometimes dangerous activity. Their isolation and exposure to the elements forced these early New Zealanders to become hardy and multi-skilled. This resourcefulness and ingenuity has greatly contributed to the New Zealand character. The same qualities can be seen today in the new pioneers – a generation of young Kiwi business executives, computer software builders, film-makers, fashion designers, and sportspeople making waves around the world.

Many of these inventions have literally been created in a backyard. While frozen meat, the Hamilton Jet boat, and the bungy jump are probably our most famous Kiwi inventions, there are many others. As NZ was the former colonial administrator, large numbers of Samoans have also migrated to NZ since the early 20th century. They do not enjoy the right to automatic NZ citizenship, but a preferential migration regime is in place, first set up under the Treaty of Friendship in at Independence.

In , the Samoan Quota Scheme was introduced, under which 1, Samoans are annually granted permanent NZ residence. In , around , people of Samoan descent lived in NZ , making it the largest Samoan diaspora in the world. Easy access for people from the Realm and the Samoan quota aside, there is the above-mentioned Pacific Access Category Resident Visa scheme. This, like the Samoa Access Quota, is essentially a vastly oversubscribed annual visa lottery.

Currently 75 Kiribati citizens, 75 Tuvaluans, Tongans and Fijians plus their partners and young dependants gain rights to reside in the country, conditional on finding employment.

 
 

What is the most common ethnic group/ancestry in australia & new zealand – what is the most common e.What are the common ethnic groups?

 
 
In the census, 22, people reported the ability to use New Zealand Sign Language. New Zealand Journal of Psychology 36 — While Australia is shutting down broadcasts, a relatively cost-efficient soft power strategy, China is opening up Confucius Centres all over the place — at far greater cost! Consequent updates were made to correspondence tables and the coding index to ensure that the new cultural and ethnic group was reflected in those products. Approximately 14 percent of the population live in four different categories of rural areas as defined by Statistics New Zealand. Data downloads Future changes to the format of Data downloads Future issues of this publication will contain Data downloads in Excel with the new file extension of. Wikimedia Commons.

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